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What Putin Is Costing Russia
Just how much is Vladimir Putin's Ukrainian adventure actually costing Russia? Quite a lot, it turns out.
New statistics from the Central Bank of Russia indicate that almost $51 billion in capital exited the country in the first quarter of 2014. The exodus, says financial website Quartz.com, is largely the result of investor jitters over Russia's intervention in Ukraine and subsequent annexation of Crimea.
Russia's Lurch Toward Fascism
We run the risk of missing critical aspects of Russian policy if we assume that Moscow's continuing invasions of Ukraine are exclusively about Russo-Ukrainian issues. One of the founding fathers of Soviet studies, Adam Ulam, observed back in 1965 that empire was the biggest obstacle to reform in Russian history.
Negotiating The Future Of Ukraine
Albert Einstein is said to have defined insanity as doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result. Today, U.S. policy toward Ukraine has become the embodiment of Einstein's admonition.
The Clock Is Ticking in Afghanistan
International attention is now riveted on the crisis in Ukraine, but another beleaguered U.S. ally is rapidly approaching a critical crossroads as well. As the U.S. military prepares to exit Afghanistan after more than a decade of war, real questions remain about the country’s future. Perhaps most urgent, and of greatest significance to the United States, is the capacity of Afghanistan’s forces to successfully fight the Taliban and al-Qaida.
Why The U.S.-India Relationship Is Far From 'Oversold'
With national elections in India taking place this month, the health of the U.S.-India relationship is under the spotlight, and the early prognosis is relatively grim. The sudden resignation of the U.S. Ambassador to India and a rocky start to relations with favored prime minister candidate Narendra Modi are symbolic of a broader malaise that has afflicted Indo-U.S. relations since 2008.
Cold Peace: China-India Rivalry in the Twenty-First Century
The twenty-first century is likely to witness Asia’s two largest civilizations, China and India, join the United States in an elite club of global superpowers. By some economic indicators, the two Asian giants are already the second and third largest economies in the world, and they are developing world-class militaries to complement that economic clout. While Beijing and Delhi have spent the past half-century free from armed conflict and enjoy cordial diplomatic relations, elements of rivalry have shadowed the relationship since the two countries went to war in 1962 over their disputed Himalayan border. In the twenty-first century, that rivalry has evolved in unpredictable ways, advancing in some arenas and retreating in the face of growing cooperation in others.
Latest In-House Bulletins
Russia Reform Monitor - No. 1889
Russia and the global arms trade;
Back to Cold War provocations
Eurasia Security Watch - No. 315
Saudis lead Middle East military spending;
US blacklists Egyptian extremist group;
Libyan oil conflict update;
Opposition says Assad targeting Christians
South Asia Security Monitor - No. 341
Boehner in Afghanistan to review elections;
UN denounces Nepal's alleged amnesty law;
Afghan protective guard dissolved;
India-China sixth strategic dialogue bodes "broad concensus";
Rising China prompts spike in Indian defense budget;
Indian elites stand firm on no-first-use nuclear policy
Russia Reform Monitor - No. 1888
The Real Costs of Crimea;
Iran Democracy Monitor - No. 147
Iran puts Hezbollah's house in order;
Latest Policy Papers
Defense of the U.S. Homeland Against Ballistic Missile Attack
Today, the Obama administration and Congress have a variety of options before them for strengthening the defense of the U.S. homeland against ballistic missile attack. The word “options,” however, should not be interpreted as an either/or choice. Official Washington should not—indeed, cannot choose between defending the homeland against ballistic missile attack and erecting regional capabilities against the threat. Rather, it is necessary to treat the variety of programs available for this purpose not as options, but as components of a global plan for development and fielding: essentially, an “all of the above” approach. Only in this way can America achieve the proper balance between missile defense capabilities for the protection of the United States and the protection of our friends and allies and forces in various regions around the world...