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Iran Democracy Monitor - No. 68
Bulletins - February 26, 2008

Iran's reformists, mugged by reality; More Iranian moves in Latin America; How close is Iran to the bomb?; Enter Moscow

Iran Democracy Monitor - No. 67
Bulletins - February 5, 2008

Cracks in Iran's economic facade; A helping hand for Egypt...; ...and economic sustenance for Syria; Iran's other front

Iran Strategy Brief No. 3: The Case For Economic Warfare
Policy Papers - January 30, 2008

What can the United States do about Iran? Today that question, fueled by growing international concern over the Islamic Republic’s persistent nuclear ambitions, has emerged at the forefront of the American strategic debate.

In this calculus, economic measures have received comparatively short shrift. This is because conventional wisdom has it that the United States possesses little leverage that it can bring to bear in order to deter and contain Iran’s nuclear ambitions. In this case, however, the conventional wisdom is wrong; the United States has a considerable number of economic tools at its disposal, despite its lack of trade relations with the Islamic Republic.

Iran Democracy Monitor - No. 66
Bulletins - January 23, 2008

Back to Iraq; Negotiating with the Pasdaran; Iran's ailing economy; Tehran takes an energy hit

Iran Democracy Monitor - No. 65
Bulletins - January 7, 2008

The return of Mohammad Khatami; A new ally in Latin America; Iran's drug problem; Courting Cairo

Confronting Iran: U.S. Options
Policy Papers - November 15, 2007

Today, the Islamic Republic of Iran looms large on the agenda of policymakers in Washington. Over the past several years, it has become clear that the Islamic Republic is pursuing a massive, multifaceted endeavor to acquire a nuclear capability—and that it is making rapid progress toward this goal, despite pressure from the world community. Yet Iran’s nuclear program is just part of a larger picture. The Islamic Republic’s enduring support for terrorism, its growing and pernicious regional role, and its radical, uncompromising ideology currently also pose serious challenges to the United States, its allies and American interests in the greater Middle East.

So far, policymakers in Washington have failed to muster an adequate response on any of these fronts. As a result, the Islamic Republic has gained precious time to entrench itself in Iraq, expand its support for terrorists and bring added permanence to its nuclear effort. The logical conclusion of the current status quo is a mature Iranian nuclear capability, continued Coalition casualties in Iraq, and emboldened terrorist groups across the region. If it hopes to avoid such an outcome, the United States must harness all the elements of national power into a strategy that focuses on three concrete goals vis-à-vis Iran: counterproliferation, counterterrorism, and counterinsurgency.

Eurasia Security Watch - No. 161
Bulletins - October 30, 2007

Second thoughts in Gaza; New interest in nuclear power; A warning from Hezbollah; The Kazakh navy comes of age...

Russia Reform Monitor - No. 1505
Bulletins - October 17, 2007

Russia without checks and balances;
Putin's former colleague takes over Transneft

Eurasia Security Watch - No. 160
Bulletins - October 10, 2007

Denuclearizing Syria; The Gulf's security conundrum; The IAF enters the political fray; Hunting for Hezbollah's arsenal; A legal reshuffle in Riyadh...

Iran, The Rainmaker
Articles - October 1, 2007

Ever since its start six years ago, the United States has been waging the War on Terror chiefly on the Sunni side of the religious divide within Islam. The principal targets have been Al-Qaeda and its affiliates. As recently as September 2006, the White House’s counter-terrorism strategy was still focused overwhelmingly on the Bin Laden network and its offshoots, which were seen as the vanguard of “a transnational movement of extremist organizations, networks, and individuals” threatening the United States. By contrast, the vision articulated by the president in his 2007 State of the Union Address is substantially broader. It encompasses not only Sunni extremists, but their Shi‘a counterparts as well. And, for the first time, it clearly and unambiguously identifies not just “terrorism” but a specific state sponsor — the Islamic Republic of Iran — as a threat to U.S. interests and objectives in the greater Middle East.