In an era of shifting global power dynamics, Central Asia is becoming a more unified region through emerging diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties. Uzbekistan is prioritizing these efforts within its foreign policy, believing cooperation will be Central Asia’s opportunity to accelerate regional development. Central Asia must also take advantage of its integration efforts to form cultural ties among its regional peoples. While Uzbekistan hopes to emulate international multilateral economic and diplomatic organizations, such as the early European Coal and Steel Community, within Central Asian frameworks, Uzbekistan also supports a policy of engagement towards Afghanistan. Instead of sanctioning and excluding Afghanistan, Uzbekistan hopes to integrate it into the Central Asian community and leverage economic interconnectivity for stability.
This is a time of immense opportunity for Central Asia—a moment filled not only with promise, but with purpose. For far too long, the region has been seen through the narrow lens of crisis and competition, treated as a geopolitical afterthought rather than a dynamic force in its own right.
But that narrative is beginning to shift. This article covers not only that shift, but the journey Central Asians are undertaking together—the progress the region has achieved, the challenges that remain, and Uzbekistan’s vision for a stronger, more united, and self-assured Central Asia. A region that no longer waits to be defined by others, but boldly defines its own place in a rapidly changing world.
Progress made in Central Asia
In the past eight years, Central Asia has seen significant progress—politically, economically, and diplomatically. These changes are not just important, they are lasting and set the foundation for a new chapter in the region’s future.
Political and Diplomatic Reconciliation
Over the past several years, Uzbekistan has placed reconciliation and regional unity at the core of its foreign policy. Uzbekistan’s foreign policy is firmly rooted in the principle of “zero problems with neighbors,” reflecting a strong commitment to regional peace, cooperation, and mutual respect. Under the leadership of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and guided by the principles of openness and good-neighborliness, the country has taken meaningful steps to resolve longstanding disputes and rebuild trust across Central Asia.
The results are tangible and transformative. Long-running border disagreements have been resolved, opening the door to deeper regional cooperation. Most recently, in Khujand, the Presidents of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan signed a historic agreement finalizing the demarcation of their shared border junction. This milestone not only settles all remaining territorial issues among Central Asian states but also marks the beginning of a new chapter of integration and shared progress.
Cooperation over shared water resources has also taken a significant step forward. Uzbekistan and Afghanistan have signed an agreement on the joint management of the Amu Darya river basin, a crucial development in the context of Kabul’s ongoing construction of the Qosh Tepa Canal. Similarly, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan have reached an understanding on the delimitation of their border near the Chashma spring—a site of previous tensions in 2020. Under the agreement, the spring remains on Kyrgyz territory, while Uzbekistan will have access to two-thirds of the spring’s actual water flow. Furthermore, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan have signed an agreement on preparations for the construction and operation of the Kambarata Hydropower Plant, recently Tajikistan has approved an agreement with Uzbekistan for the supply of electricity generated by the Rogun Hydropower Plant.
Where once there were divisions, there is now growing connectivity. Borders that historically symbolized separation are becoming bridges of cooperation. A powerful illustration of this change is that today, citizens of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan can cross borders using only their national ID cards— something almost unimaginable just a decade ago. A similar initiative is now being discussed with Kazakhstan and Tajikistan.
Dialogue among Central Asian leaders has been institutionalized through the Consultative Meetings of the Heads of State—a cornerstone of regional cooperation and consolidation. The initiative to hold these meetings was proposed by Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in 2017 at the 72nd session of the UN General Assembly and was supported by all regional countries. Since then, six such meetings have taken place in all the capitals of Central Asian states.
At the 2023 Dushanbe Summit, a significant milestone was reached: the decision to establish a Council of National Coordinators—a major step towards further institutionalizing cooperation. This body is designed to enhance the day-to-day effectiveness of interstate engagement and provide coherence to ongoing initiatives.
Last year in Astana, regional leaders adopted the "Concept for the Development of Regional Cooperation: Central Asia – 2040" —a strategic vision to deepen integration in trade, energy, transport, environment, digital connectivity, and cultural identity. It envisions transforming the Consultative Meetings of Central Asian Heads of State into a formal regional structure.
Key priorities include enhancing intra-regional trade and industrial cooperation, developing trans-Eurasian transport corridors, jointly managing water and energy resources, coordinating climate and environmental policies, expanding digital connectivity, and fostering a shared Central Asian identity through education, culture, tourism, and public diplomacy. With a commitment to neutrality and international law, the Concept positions Central Asia as a stable, interconnected, and globally recognized region by 2040.
This year, Uzbekistan will host the seventh Consultative Meeting, where the country will address critical issues and take further steps towards regional integration. More specifically, Uzbekistan sets clear priorities—integration in trade and industry, energy and water coordination, diversification corridors, digital infrastructure, and fostering a shared cultural identity. It also outlines plans to evolve the consultative meetings into a permanent regional governance structure, grounded in shared values and respect for sovereignty.
In parallel, regular meetings of the Heads of National Security Councils are now in place demonstrating the region’s commitment to shared responsibility in tackling common threats.
Uzbekistan continues to advocate for the swift establishment of the Economic Council of Central Asian States—a forward-looking institution designed to harmonize regional trade, investment, and development agendas. This Council will serve as a catalyst for deeper, more comprehensive economic integration across the region.
Furthermore, the idea of establishing an “integration core” in Central Asia is gaining traction, drawing inspiration from early European models like the European Coal and Steel Community. The region already possesses both the historical foundation and practical experience necessary for such integration. Notably, the establishment of the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea in 1993 stands out as Central Asia’s first regional institution dedicated to coordinating efforts on transboundary environmental challenges. This Fund has demonstrated the region’s capacity for collective action and provides a unique platform that could evolve into a broader foundation for regional integration. Over the decades, the region has also advanced cooperation in economic and security spheres—for example, through the Central Asian Cooperation Organization and the landmark 2006 Semipalatinsk Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone, an initiative originally put forward by Uzbekistan. Both of these initiatives further cemented the tradition of collaboration. These achievements attest to the fact that today’s movement towards regional consolidation rests on a robust legal and institutional base, with the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea poised to play a central integrative role.
Regional Economic Integration and Growth
Since 2016, the region has witnessed a dramatic surge in economic cooperation, with the region’s economy now surpassing $500 billion. Intra-regional trade has grown by an impressive 250 percent, reaching $11 billion, while mutual investments have almost doubled, reaching $840 million. Uzbek enterprises are expanding their presence across Central Asia, and Uzbek investments in neighboring economies have tripled, signaling a new era of shared growth and trust.
Tourism within the region has nearly doubled, a clear reflection of the region’s collective openness and growing people-to-people ties. According to recent data, Uzbekistan’s top three sources of tourists this year are all neighboring countries: Kyrgyzstan (1.2 million visitors), Tajikistan (about 1 million), and Kazakhstan (890,000).
At the same time, international investment drawn to the region reached $ 24.8 billion in 2024.
Active role of Central Asia in the Global Arena
Turning to engagement with external partners, the proliferation of multilateral platforms under the “C5+” umbrella has significantly deepened the cooperation with key global actors. Initiated by Japan in 2004 and expanded with South Korea in 2007, these platforms now include China, the European Union, the GCC countries, Germany, India, Italy, Russia, the U.S., and others for a combined eleven formats, enabling collaboration with nearly 40 countries and two regional organizations. When looking at the potential and opportunities for cooperation, it is important to highlight that the states within this economic space account for 75 percent of the world’s GDP and are home to nearly four billion people.
These platforms provide valuable mechanisms to jointly address pressing security, economic, investment, humanitarian, and environmental challenges. While not all of these formats align perfectly, their very existence signals two important trends: first, Central Asia is increasingly recognized as a coherent region of growing geostrategic significance; and second, global powers are repositioning themselves within this emerging multipolar world, one in which Central Asia holds a central and enduring place on the map.
The region has become more cohesive and active on the international stage. Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan have all publicly endorsed a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and stressed the need for a just peace based on international law. All five Central Asian countries have voted at the UN for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and supported the Palestinian right to self-determination. They have also called for a peaceful resolution to the recent Israel-Iran conflict, emphasizing dialogue and respect for international law.
UN resolutions introduced by Central Asian states in recent years highlight shared priorities such as regional security, sustainable development, water cooperation, climate resilience, and intercultural dialogue. These coordinated efforts show Central Asia’s shift from a fragmented region to an increasingly unified and proactive international actor – one that no longer simply reacts to global agendas, but actively helps to shape them.
The recognition of these processes by the international community is what defines the international legal personality of Central Asia.
Meanwhile, the development of a sense of belonging among citizens of national states to regional processes becomes an important driver of sustainable, long-term development of cooperation, strengthening the unity of countries, and fostering friendship among peoples.
Green Transformation
Uzbekistan, like its neighbors across Central Asia, stands at a unique crossroads, being an energy power on the one hand, but being situated in one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable regions on the other hand.
Over the past three decades, the region has warmed by 1.5°C—twice the global average—placing mounting stress on agriculture, water systems, and critical infrastructure.
In 2024, renewables accounted for 18 percent of Uzbekistan’s electricity production—twice the share just a year earlier. The country’s ambition is to raise this to 40 percent by 2030. More than 25 GW of green energy capacity is now under development, spanning solar, wind, and hydroelectric projects. These are not just for domestic needs, but also for cross-border integration and export.
One of the most ambitious undertakings is the Green Energy Corridor—a trilateral initiative with Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan to transmit renewable electricity generated in Uzbekistan across the Caspian and Black Seas to Europe. This project, involving deep-water cables and transnational energy infrastructure, exemplifies both strategic foresight and the power of regional collaboration.
But for these efforts to reach their full potential, technical, financial, and political partnership is essential. As the European Union leads the global green transition, Central Asia can and should become a reliable pillar of that effort.
What Can Central Asia offer foreign partners?
Central Asia occupies a uniquely strategic position in the global race for critical minerals and strategic resources. The region holds approximately 7% of the world’s oil and gas reserves alongside substantial deposits of rare earth and critical materials essential for digital and green transformations. Specifically, Central Asia has 384 deposits of rare earth and other rare minerals, in particular in Kazakhstan - 160, in Uzbekistan - 87, in Kyrgyzstan - 75, in Tajikistan – 60.
Between now and 2029, Uzbekistan plans to implement 76 projects across 28 rare minerals, valued at $2.6 billion. These projects emphasize value addition rather than simple extraction, positioning Uzbekistan as a key supplier of high-purity, high-value strategic inputs for the global green economy. To support this vision, technology parks are being established in Tashkent and Samarkand to advance the full production cycle—from raw material extraction and scientific research to innovation and finished products. Additionally, modern laboratories and training centers are being opened to build local expertise and prepare workforce to lead in the era of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
This wealth of natural resources is complemented by a growing and youthful labor force. According to UN projections, Central Asia’s population will exceed 100 million by 2050, with an average age around 30 years. This demographic dividend enhances the region’s attractiveness for long-term investment and industrial cooperation.
Interest from external actors in the region’s resources and markets has surged accordingly.
China has consolidated its position as the top trading partner of Central Asian countries, with their total trade volume reaching $94.8 billion in 2024-from $89.4 billion in 2023. Chinese goods and service exports to Central Asia added up to $64.2 billion, making up more than two-thirds of the total trade volume. China has become the primary destination for most of the region’s critical mineral exports, benefiting from geographical proximity, established trade infrastructure, and early commercial engagement.
Russia also remains one of the most significant economic partners for Central Asia, accounting for 33% of the region’s total foreign trade. In 2023, the total trade turnover between Russia and the Central Asian states exceeded $44 billion. Much of this cooperation is facilitated by a growing use of national currencies in mutual settlements, which now account for up to 80% of trade with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, 55% with Uzbekistan, and 24% with Turkmenistan.
Russia also plays a major role in the region’s energy sector. For example, Russia has recently reached agreements with both Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to construct nuclear power plants in each country.
In parallel, the European Union has sought to secure sustainable supply chains vital for the green and digital transitions by signing strategic partnership agreements with Kazakhstan in 2022 and Uzbekistan in 2024. The historic EU-Central Asia Summit in Samarkand earlier this year established cooperation in key areas, including trade, transport, energy, digital connectivity, and water resource management. The EU announced a €12 billion investment package for Central Asia under the EU’s Global Gateway initiative. In addition, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) is developing a separate project pipeline worth approximately €7–8 billion through 2027, targeting critical minerals and renewable energy.
At the same time, the GCC has also become an increasingly important partner for Central Asia, not only through growing investment and trade, but also as a rising provider of development assistance. With significant financial resources and established aid agencies, the GCC is well placed to support Central Asia’s economic development, infrastructure, and transition to new sectors such as renewable energy. Investment from GCC countries into Central Asia has grown steadily, nearly tripling since 2022 and increasingly challenging China’s position as the region’s leading external investor.Financial cooperation is also expanding within Islamic financing frameworks, with the Islamic Development Bank investing $9.1 billion in CIS countries, 60 percent of which is directed to Central Asia. In 2024, trade turnover between Central Asia and the GCC countries amounted to about $4 billion. Leading companies from GCC countries, such as ACWA Power, Masdar, Mubadala, TACA, and Nebras Power, are actively involved in projects to build solar and wind power plants in Central Asia.
Challenges
Despite the progress Central Asian states have made, the full consolidation of a resilient, integrated Central Asia remains a work in progress. Central Asia continues to face both inherited and emerging challenges—challenges that demand shared responsibility and collective action.
Lack of Regional Cooperation Mechanisms and Institutions
Regional cooperation in Central Asia has become more sustainable than ever before. Yet, to deepen it further, the region must reinforce the institutional foundations that underpin it.
Sovereignty sharing with supranational organizations remains a subject of careful consideration in Central Asia. Regional governments consistently approach any initiatives involving the transfer of decision-making authority to regional bodies with caution, keenly aware of the importance of preserving national independence. This perspective is shaped not only by political and security considerations, but also by each country’s diverse economic interests, unique national priorities, and distinct historical experiences.
Furthermore, the foreign policy objectives of Central Asian states differ considerably. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan are members of the World Trade Organization (WTO), while Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are actively working towards accession. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan also participate in both the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), with Tajikistan holding membership only in the CSTO and Uzbekistan maintaining observer status in the EAEU. These differences reflect the region’s complex policy landscape and underscore the importance of consensus and respect for mutual interests as cooperation moves forward. Ensuring that any steps towards further institutionalization foster regionalism—without compromising the autonomy or independent foreign policy of each state—remains a guiding principle.
Different organizations can lead to different free trade agreements, for example, within the EAEU and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). This phenomenon of overlapping regionalism creates additional obligations for member countries, requiring careful coordination and alignment in the process of establishing a distinct Central Asian Free Trade Zone.
In light of these factors, it might be appropriate to point to ASEAN as a relevant example. ASEAN’s flexible, consensus-based approach to regional cooperation allows member states to deepen ties and coordinate on shared challenges, while still maintaining their sovereignty and independence. This model offers valuable lessons for Central Asia as it seeks to balance regional collaboration with national priorities.
Recognizing these factors, Uzbekistan consistently upholds the sovereignty of its neighbors and is committed to advancing regional institutions only as far and as fast as regional partners are prepared to proceed. At the heart of Uzbekistan’s vision is an approach grounded in consensus and cooperation, built on trust, equality, and mutual respect. This inclusive strategy aims to foster regional unity while fully respecting the independence and diverse priorities of all Central Asian states. In this context, Central Asia does not want its own version of “Brexit”; rather, the region’s future lies in deepening integration and solidarity, with all countries remaining engaged in the shared endeavor of building a stronger, more united Central Asia.
Water Security
Despite several agreements signed by Central Asian states, water security remains a critical issue. All five countries—Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan—are already grappling with severe water shortages, a problem made worse by global climate change. According to the World Bank, over 37 million Central Asians currently live in water-stressed areas, a figure projected to rise to 75 million by 2050.
Experts warn that worsening water scarcity could hamper economic growth, intensify food insecurity, and even spark new conflicts. The situation is especially acute in Kazakhstan, where only 3% of the territory is covered by water and the country relies heavily on transboundary rivers. Uzbekistan, the region’s most populous nation and a major agricultural producer, now ranks 25th globally for water stress. In Turkmenistan, where 90% of the land is desert, water shortages grow more severe each year. Meanwhile, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, though rich in water resources, struggle with outdated infrastructure that limits access to drinking and irrigation water.
Furthermore, the rapid melting of glaciers in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan poses a growing concern for the water security and ecological resilience of the entire region. In the Pamirs and Tian Shan ranges, these countries collectively host over 20,000 glaciers, many of which are retreating at alarming rates—Kyrgyzstan’s glaciers have lost more than 16 % of their total area over the past 50 years, while over a thousand glacial bodies in Tajikistan have already disappeared in recent decades.
The lack of a comprehensive regional approach to water management in Central Asia continues to present certain complexities for regional integration. Developing coordinated, long-term solutions for equitable and sustainable water use remains an important task to fulfill for the countries of the region.
In this regard, Uzbekistan’s water policy is focused on strengthening interstate cooperation in the use of transboundary water resources. Efforts include the development of mutually acceptable mechanisms for joint water management and effective water use programs to balance the interests of all countries in the region. Uzbekistan actively collaborates with neighboring Central Asian states through bilateral commissions and regional bodies such as the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination and the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea. Constructive dialogue and practical cooperation—such as joint automation projects with Kazakhstan, collaborative management of reservoirs with Kyrgyzstan, and agreements on Amu Darya water use with Turkmenistan—have helped resolve many disputes and improve water management. Multilateral protocols with Tajikistan and Kazakhstan, as well as ongoing negotiations on new hydropower projects, further demonstrate a shared commitment to addressing water challenges together. Such cooperation is vital for the sustainable development of Central Asia, especially as the region faces growing water scarcity and climate change impacts.
Furthermore, Uzbekistan believes that the effective functioning of the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea (IFAS) as a truly regional organization is only possible with the participation of all Central Asian states. In this regard, Uzbekistan fully supports the resumption of participation of Kyrgyzstan to IFAS, recognizing that its involvement is essential for strengthening regional cooperation and ensuring that the organization can best address the interests and needs of all its member states.
Only with the full engagement of all five Central Asian countries can the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea attract increased donor contributions. This, in turn, will strengthen the Fund’s ability to implement effective regional projects and deliver tangible benefits for the sustainable development of the entire Aral Sea basin.
Central Asian countries have successfully resolved all outstanding border issues, which were once among the region’s most difficult challenges. This achievement shows that, through consensus and mutual understanding, the countries can also find solutions to remaining water management issues.
Transport and Logistics-Related Challenges
Despite notable achievements in railroad modernization and new cross-border corridors, like the construction of the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan and Transafghan railroads, a range of well-documented challenges continues to impede deeper regional integration in Central Asia. Reports from the World Bank, Asian Development Bank, and OECD highlight significant disparities in infrastructure quality, with some countries operating modern railroads and others still relying on outdated Soviet-era systems. Operational inefficiencies, such as fragmented management models and limited adoption of digital solutions, further hinder progress.
Persistent cross-border bottlenecks—including inconsistent customs procedures, the lack of harmonized technical standards, and slow digital transformation across transport, customs, and border management —regularly cause transit delays. Moreover, varying national priorities and uncoordinated investment strategies prevent the development of a truly seamless regional network. Capacity mismatches on key corridors also contribute to congestion and underutilization, limiting Central Asia’s competitiveness as a global logistics hub.
Forging a Shared Regional Identity
Cooperation based solely on interest can be fleeting. But when it is grounded in shared identity—common history, culture, and values—it gains the power to endure.
All five Central Asian states are custodians of a unique and interconnected civilization. Rediscovering and revitalizing this shared heritage is essential to shaping a unifying regional identity.
Uzbekistan believes that without this foundation, regional cooperation risks remaining transactional. For a regional identity to truly take root, people across Central Asia must be able to experience tangible benefits whether through educational and healthcare opportunities within the region, feeling safe and protected, or enjoying the ability to travel freely without barriers, as illustrated by the use of ID cards between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Ultimately, all these socio-cultural processes require time and patience to develop, much as European identity evolved over many decades before reaching its current form. Strengthening people-to-people ties and enhancing civil society collaboration will be essential for building a broad and resilient foundation for regional unity, grounded in both shared experience and practical advantages.
Importantly, the formation of a regional identity in Central Asia does not mean the loss of national distinctiveness. On the contrary, a shared sense of belonging to the region can actually encourage greater respect for the rich historical, cultural, and linguistic traditions of each nation. Regional identity provides a platform where every country can both preserve and actively promote its own uniqueness, contributing to the diversity and cohesion of Central Asia as a whole.
Joint efforts to promote regional identity will lay the foundation for future generations of the five countries to develop a strong sense of belonging to a common regional space and a sense of pride in the region: "We, the peoples of Central Asia."
Uzbekistan’s New Approach Towards Afghanistan.
Uzbekistan considers Afghanistan an integral part of Central Asia and advances its foreign policy approach “Stability through Connectivity.”
Given the historical and geographic closeness of the two countries, Uzbekistan consistently supports a peaceful, stable, and economically sustainable future for Afghanistan. The country’s policy is grounded in good neighborliness, respect for sovereignty, and non-interference in internal affairs.
Today, Afghanistan faces a deepening humanitarian crisis, especially due to reduced international support and the mass return of refugees—over 3.4 million people since 2023, according to the UN. Such returns, without proper conditions, heighten vulnerabilities, particularly for women and children. About 23 million Afghans are projected to need humanitarian assistance in 2025.
It is worthwhile to note positive developments: reduced violence, improved logistics, anti-corruption measures, and a 95% decrease in opium production according to UN reports. These changes, though not solving all problems, should serve as a basis for further engagement and building trust.
Since 2017, Uzbekistan has shifted from a security-centered view of Afghanistan to one based on engagement. We began to see Afghanistan not as a source of threats, but as a partner full of potential. This pragmatic policy has continued in the aftermath of the withdrawal of foreign troops. The new authorities in Kabul have demonstrated a willingness to cooperate peacefully with all neighbors and international stakeholders.
A stable and connected Afghanistan benefits all countries of Central Asia. It offers a growing labor force, opens new markets, and improves overland access to global trade routes. Uzbekistan is therefore advancing transformative infrastructure initiatives such as the Trans-Afghan Railway and the Surkhan–Puli-Khumri power transmission line. These projects aim to make Afghanistan a continental connector between Central and South Asia.
The countries of Central Asia also increasingly understand this. Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan were among the first to reengage, launching bilateral trade and infrastructure projects. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have removed the Taliban from their terrorism lists and are developing economic and humanitarian cooperation. Tajikistan continues to supply electricity and maintain trade.
This growing regional engagement reflects a sense of collective responsibility and shared interests.
In 2024, Uzbek-Afghan trade surpassed $1.1 billion — a concrete sign of this deepening partnership. But aid and trade alone are not enough. That is why Uzbekistan is creating sustainable platforms for economic, educational, and social reintegration.
In 2024, the country opened a 36-hectare Free Economic Zone in Termez, city located in the southern part of Uzbekistan, at the border with Afghanistan, fully equipped with customs, warehousing, hospitality, academic, and medical infrastructure. Afghans can stay in the zone for 15 days without any visa restrictions. Over 90,000 visitors, including more than 40,000 Afghans, have passed through. This zone is a hub not just for commerce, but for connection.
Furthermore, last year Uzbekistan signed a 10-year contract to invest nearly $1 billion in Afghanistan’s energy sector, starting with gas exploration and electricity generation at the Tuti-Maidan gas field in Jawzjan province.
In light of these developments, Uzbekistan calls on the international community to support meaningful engagement with Afghanistan and to ensure its participation in all relevant regional and global discussions. Only through inclusive dialogue and practical cooperation—rather than isolation—can the region and global community help Afghanistan become a stable, connected, and constructive partner, ultimately contributing to the security and prosperity of the entire region.
Conclusion
We are living through an era of profound uncertainty. Global power is shifting. Technology is reshaping every facet of life. Conflicts continue to rage in far too many parts of the world. Yet amid this turbulence lies a powerful opportunity—for Central Asia to stand tall. To choose cooperation over confrontation. To embrace openness, resilience, and shared responsibility. Uzbekistan is deeply committed to this vision. But the country knows it cannot achieve it alone. That is why Uzbekistan values genuine partnerships all around the world — with China, the European Union, the GCC countries, Russia, the U.S., and many more. Partners who do not see the region as a periphery to be managed, but as a region to be invested in.