THE MOSLEHI AFFAIR: A METRIC OF AHMADINEJAD’S POWER
A recent high-profile dust-up over governmental personnel strongly suggests that the relationship between Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has taken a turn for the worse. At issue is the recent departure of Iran’s intelligence minister, Heydar Moslehi, who was forced to tender his resignation following pressure from Ahmadinejad’s administration. While the resignation itself was a routine event, the response of Iran’s Supreme Leader was not; Khamenei uncharacteristically weighed in on the personnel decision, using his vast political powers to overrule Ahmadinejad and reinstate Moslehi.
The move, observers say, reflects growing unease on the part of Iran's clerical elite with the political maneuvers of Ahmadinejad and his circle. “By reinstating Moslehi, the Iranian supreme leader has now declared that the ministry of intelligence is out of bounds, both for the president and those who oppose him,” writes analyst Meir Javedanfar in London’s Guardian. “This sounds logical, especially because Ahmadinejad is such a controversial figure and has many enemies inside the regime.” Ahmadinejad, however, has not taken the reprimand well; since Moslehi’s reinstatement earlier this month, the Iranian president has avoided meetings of his cabinet and remained largely out of the public eye. (LondonGuardian, April 27, 2011; Jerusalem Post, April 29, 2011)
RAFSANJANI ON THE OUTS
The once-bright political fortunes of Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani continue to dim. Last month, following massive pressure from the government of political rival Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the former Iranian president and one-time regime power broker stepped down from his post as chairman of the Assembly of Experts, the powerful clerical body that oversees the post of Supreme Leader. Now, Rafsanjani’s other seat – head of the Expediency Council, the official body tasked with mediating disputes between the government and the majles – is similarly in jeopardy. According to websites close to Ahmadinejad’s “principlist” political camp, concerted measures are being taken to oust Rafsanjani from his remaining oversight role when the Council votes to reelect its members for new terms later this year, thereby progressively whittling away his ability to influence the functioning of the Iranian government. (Tehran Rooz, April 7, 2011)
TEHRAN TARGETS DOGS, PHARMACEUTICALS
Iranian authorities are taking aim at a new – and novel – social vice: dog ownership. Parliamentarians have reportedly proposed new legislation criminalizing “the walking and keeping [of] impure and dangerous animals” – a phrase many believe is aimed at Iran’s canine population. The draft bill, which echoes the aversion to dogs encapsulated in Islamic tradition, imposes fines of some $500 for the owners of pets thereby deemed illegal, and mandates the confiscation of the animals. Nor are dogs the only targets of Iran’s vice police. Iran’s Ministry of Cultural and Islamic Guidance is reportedly cracking down on what it terms to be sexual advertisements in pharmacies. In a letter to the country’s Health Ministry, it has demanded new prohibitions on pharmacies displaying “immoral” ads for products such as condoms and impotence drugs, citing their vulgar nature and packaging. (London Independent, April 20, 2011; Radio Free Europe, April 21, 2011)
REGIME JITTERS OVER THE GREEN MOVEMENT
Iranian authorities have been quick in recent months to publicly declare the country’s democratic opposition a spent force. Privately, however, regime officials appear to be increasingly worried over the Iranian opposition’s growing appeal – and unsure of how to combat it. In a recent seminar in Mashshad, Ali Saeedi, the Supreme Leader’s representative to the Revolutionary Guards, noted that the outpouring of popular support for opposition leaders Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Kharroubi following their imprisonment two months ago has been unprecedented and deeply worrying, spurring a rethink of the regime’s strategy toward the “Green Movement.” “Today, conditions are not right for confronting the leaders of the sedition,” Saeedi has said. “The problem is that some individuals continue to support them and issue statements. The leaders of the sedition must be dealt with thoughtfully as a way to avoid more complicated problems, while also paying attention to the conditions in society.” (Tehran Rooz, April 17, 2011)
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