Articles

Changes are visible at the top of China's power structure—and these are likely to dictate the shape of Chinese politics and foreign policy in the years to come.

The meetings by heads of state in Issyk-Kul and Tashkent earlier this summer showed clearly that America’s abrupt departure from Afghanistan last year and its long-term neglect of Central Asia did not mark the end of history. Quite the contrary.

If the Cuban Missile Crisis was the most perilous moment of the Cold War, Vladimir Putin’s nuclear threats may mark the most perilous moment to date of the post-Cold War period.

In his efforts to solve one problem—boosting morale and manpower for his Ukraine campaign—Vladimir Putin has managed to create another.

Putin is making risky moves in Ukraine because they are his best option to buy the time to stay in power.

Iran's turn to the East is accelerating.

At home and abroad, Putin is facing mounting opposition over his invasion of Ukraine.

Nuclear talks with Iran are at an impasse. Just when a deal seemed imminent, Tehran resurrected a demand that the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) cease an investigation into potentially illegal uranium enrichment at three undeclared locations.

Throughout what is collectively known as the "Global South" (encompassing developing parts of the world like Latin America, Africa, and parts of Asia), China is now more popular than the United States.

A high-profile killing took place in Moscow last month — a killing with potentially massive implications, both for the war in Ukraine and for the stability of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s government.

Today, it is increasingly clear that the Islamic Republic of Iran is approaching some sort of political transition.

...the costs of the present conflict have already become exorbitantly high, both for Russia and for ordinary Russians

In less than six months, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war of choice has had catastrophic consequences — for Russia itself.

They could have ironed out their differences privately and worked everything out behind closed doors. Instead, unnamed White House officials leaked Nancy Pelosi's Taiwan travel plans and sought to spike the trip.

Some three-quarters of a century after Kennan’s “long telegram,” the United States—and the West more broadly—has little understanding of the ideological constructs and strategic principles animating contemporary Russian decision-making. In the absence of such awareness, successive governments have fallen short in anticipating Russia’s post-Cold War foreign policy maneuvers. They have likewise floundered in formulating a cogent response to them. 

A year later, a majority of Americans (53%) agreed that the fall of Afghanistan was indeed a “generational setback” for the United States.

Since the start of the war in Ukraine in late February, the policy conversation in Washington and European capitals has revolved around how best the West can put an end to Vladimir Putin’s aggression

The death of al-Qaeda’s leader is an opportune moment to reflect on the dangerous incoherence of the Biden administration’s foreign policy.

At this critical moment, Washington needs a post-JCPOA strategy that will force Russia, China, and Iran to take notice.

Perhaps the most profound impact of Russia’s new war has been to revitalize the West’s oldest and most enduring alliance. Until recently thought by many to be on its deathbed, NATO has found renewed purpose in deterring a revanchist and neo-imperial Russia, and convinced skeptics of the indispensable role it should play in maintaining global security.